If, like me, you smell the rot coming from the Trump, Mercer, Putin cabal, and the apparent global efforts to undermine the integrity of democracies, read this article by Carole Cadwalladr of The Guardian, “When Nigel Farage met Julian Assange”. Her article revolves around a meeting between Nigel Farage, leader of the Brexit campaign and Julian Assange, the head of WikiLeaks, on March 9, 2017 at the Ecuadorian Embassy in London.
The meeting was discovered by accident by a passerby who spotted Farage entering the embassy, As Cawalladr puts it, “And that was how the world found out, by accident, that the founder of WikiLeaks, the organisation which published Hillary Clinton’s leaked emails – a decisive advantage for Donald Trump’s campaign – and Farage, a friend of Donald Trump, were mutually acquainted.”
She writes further, “What did or didn’t happen on 9 March may perhaps reveal clues to understanding this. To unravelling the links between WikiLeaks, the UK and the Trump administration – an administration embroiled in ever deeper connections to the Russian state. Between Trump – whose campaign was funded by Mercer and who came to power with the help of the same analytics firm now under investigation for its work with Leave.EU – and Brexit.”
The point is that the meeting threw into the open the fact that channels and communications existed between like minded conspirators in the US, Britain, and Russia, all focused on hacking the internet and manipulating social media to control and undermine the integrity of democratic processes.
Cadwalladr’s article continues:
“David Golumbia, an associate professor at Virginia Commonwealth University in the US who has studied WikiLeaks, describes it as ‘the moment when the lines suddenly become visible’. He says: ‘It was like the picture suddenly came into focus. There is this worldwide, rightwing, nationalistic movement that is counter to the EU, and this is present in the US and Europe and Russia, and we are just starting to understand how they do all seem to be in communication and co-ordination with each other.’
In many ways, it wasn’t a surprise. There are clear ideological similarities between Assange and Farage. They have both been regulars on RT, Russia’s state-sponsored news channel. They have both been paid – indirectly by the Russian state – to appear on it. Ben Nimmo, a defence analyst with the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab, points out that Farage has voted systematically in favour of Russian interests in the European parliament. ‘There is very, very strong support for the Kremlin among the far right in Europe. And Farage is squarely in that bloc with the likes of the Front National in France and Jobbik in Hungary.'”
And so the proverbial noose tightens on Mr. Trump, who loved Wikileaks and invoked the assistance of Russia to find and release the 30,000 Clinton emails. As Cadwalladr states, we don’t yet know the full details. How could we? Trump was not going to publicly confess to his illegal Treasonous conspiracy with foreign powers to assist in his election. But if the details remain blurred, the fact of the conspiracy has been established, not just by Cadwalladr’s expose, but by the known pattern of contacts between Trump and his aides, Russian officials, and Julian Assange. The longer that Paul Ryan and the Republicans refuse to seriously investigate and act, the clearer it appears that they too have known and been complicit.